***{Below is Page: 143 }***
Chapter Seven
American Nazis
History never repeats itself, man always does.
Voltaire (In Cecil Genese, The Holocaust: Who Are The Guilty?)
One of the symbols with which homosexuals in the United
States have chosen to represent their movement is the Phoenix, a
mythical bird that was said to burn itself on a funeral pyre every
five hundred years and then rise from the ashes more majestic
than before (Alyson Almanac:56). A more apt symbol for the
historic cycle of homo-fascism and resulting social chaos would
be hard to find. From the ashes of Nazi Germany, the homo-
fascist Phoenix has arisen again -- this time in the United States.
{See Comment 144-1}
The most famous incident in the history of the American Nazi
Party resulted from its 1977 demand to stage a march through the
largely Jewish neighborhood of Skokie, Illinois, a Chicago sub-
urb and the home of many Holocaust survivors. This plan was
devised by Frank Collin, who often appeared with his followers
"in full Nazi regalia: brown shirts, black boots, and armbands with
swastikas" and who "advocated that all African-Americans, Jews
and Latinos be forcibly deported" (Johansson: 129). Civil authori-
ties effectively blocked the march at first, but the American Civil
Liberties Union (ACLU) rose to Collin's aid and forced the City
of Chicago to allow it. The subsequent event drew international
media attention. Homosexualists Johansson and Percy, in Out-
***{Below is Page: 144 }***
ing: Shattering the Conspiracy of Silence, have finally revealed,
more than fifteen years later, that Collin was a homosexual ped-
erast. In 1979 Collin was arrested "for taking indecent liberties
with boys between ages 10 and 14" and was sentenced to seven
years in prison (Johansson: 130).
*** {start comment 144-1}
This account seems somewhat confused. If
Skokie is a "suburb" of Chicago, as indeed it is,
then how can anyone force the "City of Chicago" to
allow a march through it? If the Collin story is
correct, his choice of pre-pubescent sex objects
makes him a pedophile, not a pederast.
Psychologists who specialize in the treatment of
pedophiles, such as Dr. A. Nicholas Groth, author
of Men Who Rape: The Psychology of the Offender
(Plenum Press 1979) don't classify pedophiles as
bona fide homosexuals. Some pedophiles concentrate
on little girls, some on little boys, some choose
either. What they all have in common is that
they're attracted to effeminate, womanly
characteristics, not to the male characteristics
that appear after puberty. Groth, who has long
experience with offenders in the prison system,
reports on a study of 148 male offenders against
children and says (pages 148-149):
"We found that some (73 or 49%) offenders
responded exclusively to children -- boys, girls,
or both -- and showed no interest in adults or
age-mates for sexual gratification. These men were
pedophiles in the true sense of the word. Other
(75 or 51%) offenders showed no persistent sexual
preference for children but turned to them as the
result of conflicts or problems in their adult
relationships. Although this group regressed to
encounters with children, their predominant sexual
orientation was toward adults. In examining the
adult sexual lifestyle of this latter group, it
was found that the large majority (62, or 83%) of
these subjects led exclusively heterosexual lives,
and the remaining subjects (13, or 17%) were
bisexually oriented -- that is, their adult sexual
activities involved both female and male partners,
although here, too, their preference was for
women."
Of the offenders Groth studied, 51% chose
female children exclusively as their victims, 21%
chose either sex, and 28% chose only males. Groth
says all the offenders were either pedophiles, or,
if they had sex with adults, either heterosexuals
or bisexuals with a preference for females. How,
then, could so many choose only male children
(28%) or either female or male children (21%).
Groth explains: "Offenders attracted to boy
victims typically report that they are
uninterested in or repulsed by adult homosexual
relationships and find the young boy's feminine
characteristics and absence of secondary sexual
characteristics, such as body hair, appealing.
Their focus remains on the male child as opposed
to the female child, however, because they
identify with the boy. As one offender expressed
it: 'I was a boy, so I know what to do with boys,
what they like. I can relate to them better. I was
never comfortable relating to females.' Another
offender stated: 'At first, I was interested in
boys and girls, but little girls talk a lot and
little boys don't, and I became happier with boys;
the girls were more demanding.'"
If the American Nazi Collin was indeed
arrested for pedophilic offenses with pre-
pubescent boys, that in no way proves he was a
homosexual, and in fact suggests that he was not,
but was rather a genuine pedophile or a troubled
heterosexual.
*** {end comment 144-1}
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{Picture}
{Two White Power banners and several neo-nazi
demonstrators}
Homosexual Nazi Frank Collin (pointing) leads march through Chicago
UPI/BETTMANN
{Picture caption}
Another branch of the American Nazi movement, the National
Socialist League, is openly homosexual:
Founded in 1974 by defecting members of the
National Socialist White People's Party, this San
Diego-based NSL is unique in restricting its mem-
bers to homosexual Nazis. Led by veteran anti-
Semite Russell Veh, the group distributes mem-
bership applications declaring NSL's "determina-
tion to seek sexual, social and political freedom"
(Newton:46)
***{Below is Page: 145 }***
{Picture}
{At the top is reproduced an alleged page of the
"N.S. Mobilizer." At the top is a group of three
furled U.S. flags with a round swastika medallion.
"Sample Copy for Future Issues SUBSCRIBE!!" "50c a
copy"
N.S. MOBILIZER
National Socialist League
"Vol. III April-September, 1976 Nos. 26-31"
"Inside
SHELTON'S KLAN:
GAYS IN HOODS & ROBES"}
{no caption}
While norma11y low-profile, the NSL .stirred a controversy in
1993 when it attempted to market an infamous 1930's Nazi hate
film that had been pirated by the group. An article in the Los
Angeles-based Heritage and S. W. Jewish Press, titled "'Gay nazis'
peddling vile 'Jud Suss' film," named Veh and the National So-
cialist League. We are most familiar with Mr. Veh (which is an
alias, incidentally) and his notorious operations," said legitimate
film distributor, David Calbert Smith III (Heritage and S. W. Jew-
ish Press, September 16, 1983). Veh solicited members for his
***{Below is Page: 146 }***
group through a publication called "The N.S. Mobilizer" and
through personal ads in homosexual publications, including the
leading national "gay" magazine, The Advocate (Reisman,
1994:57).
A simple perusal of The Advocate reveals that Nazi themes
are common in the homosexual Community. Reisman, who stud-
ied advertisements in The Advocate in issues from 1972 to 1991
found that the content of the ads reflected a fascist mentality. She
writes,
Overall, 72% of THE ADVOCATE data social-
ized a set of core values--glorified nazi dress, lan-
guage and "blonde" Aryan male beauty and bru-
tality; contempt for "fems, fats," and blacks; threats
toward "politically incorrect" homosexuals,
churches and others -- Romanticizing "fascist" cul-
ture to a "younger generation." Nazi costumes/
fascist concepts are a common component of THE
ADVOCATE and thus largely condoned by pre-
vailing "gay" cultural values (Reisman: 1992, 57).
Other elements of "gay" culture demonstrate a similar ideal.
One popular film, by Finnish "gay rights" advocate Iippio Pohjala,
is titled Daddy and the Muscle Academy (1992). Tom, the hero
in the film, is a homosexual fascist and a pornographer. The film,
combining themes of pederasty and Nazi glorification, was shown
in San Francisco on June 26, 1992, at the Castro Theatre. It was
part of the 16th Annual Gay and Lesbian Film Festival. A re-
viewer for the San Francisco Examiner provided the following
description of the film:
Daddy and the Muscle Academy candidly acknowl-
edges Tom's infatuation with body types encour-
aged by the National Socialists. His
fantasies... [involve] sex between clean-cut Finn-
ish boys and storm troopers, the swastika flying
***{Below is Page: 147 }***
behind them (Bonetti: San Francisco Examiner,
June 26, 1992).
{See Comment 147-1}
Where homosexuals live in the highest concentrations, some
seem to feel more comfortable acting out their Nazi fantasies. In
Against Sadomasochism: A Radical Feminist Analysis, Susan Leigh
Star, a Jewish sociologist, describes her experience in San Fran-
cisco:
For four years I have lived in the Castro section of
San Francisco, the gay (predominantly male) dis-
trict. When I walk down the street in my neigh-
borhood, I often see people dressed in black leather,
wearing chains and sometimes carrying whips. In
the magazine stores there are many sadomasochist
publications. Often these include pictures of people
wearing replicas of Nazi Germany uniforms. Iron
crosses, storm trooper outfits, military boots. And
swastikas. Once and a while someone on the street
is dressed in full Nazi regalia (Star: 132).
*** {start comment 147-1}
Sado-masochism is not a particularly
homosexual preoccupation. There is a vast amount
of heterosexual pornography available on the
theme. Two types are seen: where the woman
dominates the man, and where the man dominates the
woman. One of the more hilarious instances occurs
in Mel Brooks's movie "High Anxiety," in which the
female nurse dons a Nazi uniform and whips one of
the male doctors.
Nazis figure in sado-masochist fetishism
because they symbolize the ultimate masters,
carrying things to the greatest extremes. This
fetish has absolutely nothing to do with Nazi
ideology, but is built on the image of cruelty
Nazis acquired during and after World War II.
Another heterosexual fetish, one that doesn't
seem to appeal to homosexuals, is bestiality.
There is a large body of heterosexual pornography,
especially movies, involving women with animals.
Before Castro, live performances were quite a
tourist attraction in Cuba, as they are today in
parts of Mexico. No doubt they're held in the
United States as well in less publicized venues.
*** {end comment 147-1}
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{See Comment 147-2}
Meanwhile, back in Germany, the alarming increase of Neo-
Nazi skinheads is also linked to homosexuality. Elmay Kraushaar,
a journalist for Der Spiegel, Germany's equivalent to Time Maga-
zine, is quoted in The Advocate:
There is a gay skinhead movement in Berlin. They
go to cruising areas with leaflets that say, "We don't
want foreigners." A major leader of the neo-Na-
zis in Germany, Michael Kuhnen, was an openly
gay man who died of AIDS two years ago. He
wrote a paper on the links between homosexuality
and fascism, saying fascism is based on the love of
comrades, that having sex with your comrades
strengthens this bond (Anderson:54).
*** {start comment 147-2}
The vast majority of skinheads are rabidly
homophobic, as reports in the press of the 1990s
clearly show. There are fools in every branch of
society. A gay person allegedly ran Pat Buchanan's
Presidential campaign in California. There were
Jewish supporters of Hitler who, in their fascist
delusion congratulated him on his attainment of
power in 1933, and only began to realize what
fools they had been after the passage of the 1935
Nuremberg laws took away their citizenship.
*** {end comment 147-2}
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***{Below is Page: 148 }***
The Fascist Roots of American "Gay rights"
{See Comment 148-1}
The first "gay rights" organization in the United States was an
American chapter of the German-based Society for Human Rights.
The German SHR, formed in 1919 by Thule Society member,
Hans Kahnert, was a militant organization led by "Butch" homo-
sexuals. Many of the early Nazis, including SA leader Ernst
Roehm, were also SHR members. The American SHR was formed
on December 10, 1924, in Chicago, by a German-American named
Henry Gerber (J. Katz:388). Gerber had served with the U.S.
occupation forces in Germany from 1920 to 1923 and had been
involved with the German organization. Together with a small
group of fellow "revolutionaries," Gerber legally chartered the
group without revealing its purpose and began publishing a pro-
homosexual journal called Friendship and Freedom (ibid. :389),
patterned after the German chapter's publication of the same name
(ibid.: 632n.).
In 1925, however, the organization collapsed when Gerber,
vice President Al Menninger {sic} and another member were arrested
on charges of sexual abuse of a boy, after being turned in by
Menninger's {sic} wife. The Chicago Examiner ran a story titled
"Strange Sex Cult Exposed," and spoke of "strange doings" in
Menninger's {sic} apartment. Menninger {sic} confessed, but Gerber claimed
the incident was a set-up, saying that their arrests were "Shades
of the Holy Inquisition." Rather than take his chances in court,
however, Gerber hired a lawyer who "knew how to fix the State
Attorney and judges" and the case was dismissed (ibid. :392). After
going underground for a time, writing under the pen-name
"Parisex," Gerber reemerged in 1934 on the staff of a pro-homo-
sexual literary magazine called Chanticleer (ibid. :394). He also
retained his ties to the German SHR and published several articles
in their publications (ibid. :633n.).
*** {start comment 148-1}
The above account can only be characterized
as a lie -- a deliberate attempt to deceive --
given that the Pink Swastika author has read
Katz's account of Gerber's society. The American
organization was not in any way connected with the
German one, and certainly wasn't a "branch." As
Gerber recounts in the Katz reference, he was
merely made aware for the first time in Germany
that it was possible for homosexuals to organize
and fight for their rights, and so he adopted the
name of the most prominent German homosexual
organization. He and his boss drafted the
declaration of purpose of the organization, and
took nothing from the German organization except
the name. The group suffered from lack of money
and only two issues of its journal were published.
Gerber's "German-Americanism" didn't extend
beyond his family name, as his first name,
"Henry", fully anglicized, suggests. The founding
vice president of the group was Al Meininger. Are
we to play name games and suggest that in addition
to a "German-American" the group was also founded
by a "Jew"? (Interestingly, the president of the
group was Rev. John T. Graves, of whom Gerber says
"The only support I got was from poor people:
John, a preacher who earned his room and board by
preaching brotherly love to small groups of
Negroes...." It's not stated whether he was a
Black.)
Gerber did state a purpose for the group,
using "people who by reason of mental and physical
abnormalities" rather than "homosexuals." Was he
justified in doing that? Katz gives Gerber's
account of the arrest of members of his group, as
a result of which he lost his job, largely, he
believed, through the efforts of postal inspectors
who considered his publication that dared to talk
openly about homosexuality to be "obscene." (A
judge dismissed the charges and reprimanded the
police for having arrested Gerber and the others
without warrants.)
The account of the trial is also a falsehood.
Gerber hired a lawyer who was recommended by a
prisoner in jail with him, but the attorney who
helped him file the papers for his organization is
the one who got him off, and quite justifiably
because there was no evidence against him and
because the arrests had been made without
warrants. Gerber says that while he was in jail
"Among the prisoners was a young Jew who asked me
if I wanted a lawyer. He recommended a friend of
his, a 'shyster' lawyer who practiced around
criminal courts. I made a request to him and he
appeared the next morning. He seemed to be a smart
fellow who probably knew how to fix the State
Attorney and judges. He had the reputation of
making a good living taking doubtful cases. He
also handled the bail bond racket and probably
made additional money each month from this shady
practice."
Eventually Gerber got the other lawyer and
the charges were dismissed by the judge because
the arrests were made without warrants. Whether
the "fix was in" or Gerber merely thought his new
lawyer had such influence is debatable. In any
case, the corruption of Chicago courts of the
period is the stuff of legend of epic proportions,
and if that was the only way to get justice in the
case, it's hard to fault anybody. Today, a
warrantless arrest would be tossed out of court
immediately.
*** {end comment 148-1}
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{See Comment 149-1}
In Chanticleer, Gerber revealed himself as a militant socialist
who regarded capitalism and Christianity as the twin pillars of
ignorance and repression of "sexual freedom" (ibid. :394). In re-
***{Below is Page: 149 }***
sponse to the news of the Roehm Purge in the American press, he
admitted that the Nazis were led by homosexuals and praised
"Roehm and his valiant men" (ibid. :396). Gerber is quoted at
length in Katz's Gay American History regarding the Nazi re-
gime. He writes,
A short time ago an American journalist pointed
out in the liberal "Nation" that the whole Hitler
movement was based on the homosexual Greek
attachments of men for each other, and the same
Jewish author stated that it was another of the
Hitler contradictions that the "Leader" should have
acquiesced in the burning of the books of Dr.
Magnus Hirschfeld...Thus we get a glimpse of the
insanity of the whole movement: A Jewish doctor
working for the interests of homosexuals is perse-
cuted by a heterosexual mob, led by homosexuals
(Gerber in J. Katz:395).
*** {start comment 149-1}
Gerber's comments don't qualify him as a
"militant socialist." He contrasts the Soviet
Union of 1934, where religion and capitalism were
overthrown and he thought free sex reigned with
the Christian and capitalist United States,
supposedly free but even banning birth control --
as well as homosexuality, of course. He was, in
fact, misinformed about Stalin's Russia, but then
many people far more educated on the subject than
he were also ignorant of the true state of
affairs.
Gerber was also rather ignorant of the true
state of affairs in Germany, as again were many
better educated on the topic than he. On the
subject of "Roehm and his "valiant men" we
encounter another of The Pink Swastika's outright
lies, for the author knew the true origin of that
remark. As Katz writes, Gerber believed the story
put out by Hitler that Roehm and his men had
planned a coup d'etat (and why shouldn't he have
believed it when it was all over the newspapers
and he had no way of knowing what was going on
behind the scenes far off in Germany). Here are
the parts of what Gerber actually wrote on Roehm
that have been suppressed by the Pink Swastika
author to support his lie:
"The newspapers of America were strangely
compromised by this Hitler story. Should they
praise the murderer Hitler for suppressing
homosexuals, or should they give credit to Roehm
and his homosexual camorra [{secret}society] for
being the only men in Germany virile enough to
attempt to wipe out the unspeakable Hitler? The
newspapers condemned both and saved their faces.
....
"Roehm and his valiant men have been
defeated, but the homosexuals will go on fighting
to rid the world of tyranny."
Gerber wrote his words in September, 1934.
That's very early for such open opposition to
Hitler in the United States, and he's to be
commended for it. The author of The Pink Swastika,
especially because he is Jewish, is beneath
contempt for trying to smear such an ardent
opponent of Hitler.
*** {end comment 149-1}
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{See Comment 149-2}
It is interesting to note that the homosexual inclinations of the
Nazis were a matter of at least limited public knowledge in the
United States at this time, as well as their Greek origins. We can
also infer from this passage that Gerber himself was not an overt
fascist, though he clearly identified with the Brownshirts in Ger-
many. Open fascism in the homosexual movement would come
later, but Gerber and his pederastic friends had established its foun-
dation. By 1972, when he died at the age of 80, Gerber had wit-
nessed the emergence of homo-fascism as a permanent theme in
the movement.
*** {start comment 149-2}
It certainly wouldn't do for the Pink
Swastika author to call Gerber a fascist after
having just called him a militant socialist (who
praised the Soviet Union), so why does he have to
"infer" such a thing from the passage on Roehm?
Gerber didn't identify with the Brownshirts as
ideological models. He identified with homosexuals
who, he thought, had attempted to overthrow the
murderous tyrant Hitler.
*** {end comment 149-2}
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Harry Hay and the Mattachine Society
{See Comment 150-1}
In the words of Jonathan Katz, "a link of a kind peculiar to
Gay male history connects the abortive Chicago Society for Hu-
man Rights (1924-25) and Henry Hay, the founder of the
***{Below is Page: 150 }***
Mattachine Society" (J. Katz:407). This "peculiar link" is the
fact that the man who recruited Hay into homosexuality (at age
seventeen), Champ Simmons, was himself seduced by a former
member of the SHR. In a perverse sort of way, then, it seems
appropriate that Hay would become known as the "Father of the
Modern Gay Movement" (Timmons:cover). (In another account,
Hay claims his earliest homosexual experience was a molestation
at age fourteen by a twenty-five year old man) (ibid. :36).
*** {start comment 150-1}
Hay says that Champ had been a member a
member of the Chicago group, which had no
connection with the German group. Here's what Hay
actually says about his "recruitment" (a word
invented for the incident from the imagination of
the Pink Swastika's author), as recounted in the
place in Katz cited by the Pink Swastika author:
"I enticed an 'older' gentleman (he must have
been at least 33) to 'bring me out' by finagling
his picking me up in Los Angeles's notorious
Pershing Square. Poor guy -- he was appalled to
discover, subsequently, that I was both a virgin
and jailbait!"
So much for the myth of gay "recruitment."
In addition, the cover of Timmons's book says
Hay was "Founder of the Modern Gay Movement," not
"Father."
*** {end comment 150-1}
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{See Comment 150-2}
On August 10, 1948, at the tail-end of an eighteen-year stint
as a Communist Party leader, Hay began to organize a group that
would become the Mattachine Society (ibid: 132). Not until the
spring of 1951 did it receive its name, but from the beginning it
was seen as a vehicle to destroy social restraints against homo-
sexuality in American culture (J. Katz:412f.). The name
Mattachine was taken from "medieval Renaissance French...secret
fraternities of unmarried townsmen" (ibid.:412) The
organization's stated agenda was to preserve the "right to pri-
vacy." Like the SHR, the Mattachine Society became controver-
sial upon the arrest of a prominent member. Dale Jennings, one
of the founders of the organization was arrested for soliciting an
undercover police officer to commit a homosexual act in a public
restroom (ibid. :414).
Hay was also not an overt fascist, but he was a neo-pagan.
He participated in occultic rituals at "the Los Angeles lodge of
the Order of the Eastern Temple, or O.T.O., Aleister Crowley's
notorious anti-Christian spiritual group" (Timmons:76). Hay pro-
vided musical accompaniment to ceremonies performed by the
lesbian "high priestess." Later in life he founded a New Age group
called Radical Faeries, which met in an asram in the high desert of
Arizona to offer invocations to pagan spirits (ibid. :265).
*** {start comment 150-2}
These homosexuals are certainly giving the
Pink Swastika author a rough time. He wants to
demonstrate that Hitler's Nazi ideology and
fascism arose from homosexuality and that
homosexuals have carried that fascism and Nazi
ideology into the United States, where they
present a threat to the country. But he keeps
running into socialists and Communists, with nary
a fascist in sight. So people like Gerber and Hay
are not "overt fascists" but apparently all
"crypto-fascists," like something in the drinking
water, hiding and ready to poison all good people.
Will we soon have a new volume from Jerusalem and
Oregon -- perhaps Volume II: The Pink Sickle?
*** {end comment 150-2}
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In some ways, Hay can be compared to Karl Heinrich Ulrichs,
the "grandfather" of the gay rights movement. Hay is his Ameri-
can counterpart in the sense that both men launched enduring so-
cial movements in their respective cultures. The avowed purpose
of each was to undermine the Judeo-Christian moral consensus in
respect to homosexual relations. And both had been molested as
***{Below is Page: 151 }***
boys (though some suggest that this is the rule rather than the
exception among homosexual men). But unlike Ulrichs, Hay be-
came increasingly militant over the course of his life, until, in the
1980's, he participated in California's notoriously violent ACT-
UP demonstrations (ibid. :292). ACT-UP, the AIDS Coalition to
Unleash Power, was one of the earliest manifestations of homo-
fascism in the "gay rights" movement. Though Hay was in his
70's, and is not directly linked to any of the property destruction,
his presence validated the terrorist tactics of the group. Hay also
openly endorsed pederasty as an essential part of the "gay rights"
movement (ibid. :296).
Harry Hay and the Mattachine Society spawned large-scale
political and social activism among homosexuals that soon out-
grew their expectations and their control. These highly moti-
vated activists operated in groups designed like communist cells,
each a "secret fraternity" bound by a common vice. As Hay stated
in a later interview, "[we wanted to] keep them underground and
separated so that no one group could ever know who all the other
members were" (J. Katz:410). Slowly at first, from innumerable
obscure sources, came theories, public statements and actions in
support of the social acceptance of homosexuality. And as the
power of the homosexualist political lobby grew, so did the ugli-
ness of its demands and its methods.
{See Comment 152-1}
The Stonewall Riot
By 1969, the development of a growing homosexual subcul-
ture in America had spawned an open homosexual presence in
major cities. So-called "gay bars" sprang up in Los Angeles and
New York, hosting a bizarre mix of "street queens," drug addicts
and boy prostitutes (Marotta:71). In New York, homosexuals
regularly engaged in public sex acts with anonymous partners "in
the backs of trucks parked near the West Village piers" (ibid.:93)
and in the public restrooms. Homosexual activity occurred so
frequently in the bushes of one public park that the authorities
***{Below is Page: 152 }***
were forced to cut down the trees to stop it (Adam:85). In re-
sponse to police efforts to discourage this increasingly offensive
behavior, homosexuals began to organize to demand the "right"
to public deviancy. Emboldened by their numbers, they began
picketing businesses such as Macy's Department Store, which had
cracked down on homosexual behavior in their restrooms
(ibid. :85).
*** {start comment 152-1}
The Marotta citation is a misleading
fabrication. Only "street queens" comes from him.
He actually says, "The Stonewall was a dimly lit
dance bar that welcomed homosexuals with
countercultural life styles. Many of those present
on the night of the raid were 'dope-smokers,'
'acid-heads,' or 'speed freaks,' Some wore their
hair long and dressed in unconventional garb. Some
were raggedly flamboyant homosexual cross dressers
known as 'street queens.'" There's absolutely no
mention of prostitutes. The police raid was on a
warrant charging that liquor was being sold
without a license, and had nothing to do with
charges of sexual activity.
The alleged material from Adam's book is a
fabrication of the Pink Swastika author. Adam says
only the following: "In late summer, the New York
GLF and the Mattachine Action Committee picketed
in a park where trees had been cut down to
eliminate cruising (that is, gay men meeting each
other)….and SIR picketed Macy's for having gay men
entrapped by police in its washrooms." That's all
that Adam says, and the details are an invention
of the Pink Swastika author. It should be noted
that Adam mentions these two items in a long list
of protest activities including confrontations
with Western and Delta airlines about their
employment practices and similar actions.
*** {end comment 152-1}
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{See Comment 152-2}
On the evening of June 27, the "gay rights" movement offi-
cially adopted terrorism as a means to achieve power when a surly
mob of "drag queens, dykes, street people, and bar boys" physi-
cally attacked police officers conducting a "raid" on the Stone-
wall Bar on Christopher Street in New York. Stonewall was "one
of the best known of the Mafia controlled bars" (Marotta: 75) which
was being closed for selling alcohol without a license. It was also
a haven for sexual deviants. As police began to take some bar
patrons in for questioning, a mob of homosexuals gathered across
the street. Homosexualist Toby Marotta's The Politics of Homo-
sexuality includes an eyewitness report by a writer for the Village
Voice:
[A]lmost by signal the crowd erupted into cobble-
stone and bottle heaving...The trashcan I was stand-
ing on was nearly yanked out from under me as a
kid tried to grab it for use in the windowsmashing {sic}
melee. From nowhere came an uprooted parking
meter--used as a battering ram on the Stonewall
door. I heard several cries of "Let's get some gas,"
but the blaze of flame which soon appeared in the
window of the Stonewall [where the police offic-
ers were trapped] was still a shock (ibid. :72).
By morning, the Stonewall bar was a burned-out wreck, and
homosexual leaders had declared the violence a success. Inter-
estingly, the anniversary of this event is known today as "Gay
Pride Day" and features parades and other events most notable
for their public sex and nudity (ibid.: 158). It is ironic that the
*** {start comment 152-2}
What is interesting about Marotta's Mafia-
comment is what's left out by the Pink Swastika
author. Some gays had been concerned about the
Stonewall, but they "had encountered nothing but
evasion from the New York City Health Department
and the State Liquor Authority when they tried to
investigate charges that the Stonewall Inn, one of
the best known of the Mafia-controlled bars, was
responsible for an epidemic of hepatitis because
it rarely washed its glasses." The gay group then
urged gays to stop patronizing bars run by the
Mafia.
*** {end comment 152-2}
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***{Below is Page: 153 }***
{See Comment 153-1}
activists who emerged from this new mi1itant environment devel-
oped (in 1970) the strategy of claiming victim status through the
use of the pink triangle and commemoration of the homosexuals
who were persecuted by the Nazis (Adam:86).
*** {start comment 153-1}
A meeting in San Francisco, "passed motions
supporting women's liberation and the Black
Panthers, calling for immediate withdrawal of
American forces from Vietnam, authorizing a Gay
Strike Day, and calling for memorialization of
homosexuals killed in Nazi concentration camps,"
which Adam quotes from somebody else.
Interestingly, Adam adds, "In the same month, the
Black Panthers leader, Huey Newton (1972),
declared his solidarity for the gay movement,
stating that 'homosexuals are not given freedom
and liberty by anyone in the society. Maybe they
might be the most oppressed people in the
society.'" The reference is to a letter Newton
contributed to The Homosexual Dialectic, published
by Prentice-Hall in 1972 (page 195).
*** {end comment 153-1}
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{See Comment 153-2}
Following the Stonewall riot the Mattachine Action Commit-
tee of the Mattachine Society's New York chapter clamored for
"organized resistance" (ibid.:81), but control of the movement
was taken out of their hands by a still more radical group of activ-
ists. These men quickly formed the Gay Liberation Front, so titled
"because it had the same ring as National Liberation Front, the
alliance formed by the Viet Cong" (ibid.:91). At the heart of this
new circle of power was Herbert Marcuse (ibid.:88), a long time
Socialist who had learned his politics, and practiced his homo-
sexuality, in pre-Nazi Germany. Homosexualist historian Barry
D. Adam writes,
Herbert Marcuse, who had been a youthful par-
ticipant in the 1918 German revolution and had
been steeped in the thinking of the life-reform
movements of the Weimar Republic, caught the
attention of many gay liberationists. His Eros and
Civilization, published in the ideological wasteland
of 1955, bridged the prewar and postwar gay
movements with its implicit vision of homosexu-
ality as a protest "against the repressive order of
procreative sexuality" (ibid.:84).
*** {start comment 153-2}
The author has got all tangled up in his
"ibids" and mixed up his citations. The "ibids" to
pages 88 and 91 are actually from Marotta, but as
so often, the references are complete
fabrications.
On page 91 Marotta states that "Gay
Liberation Front" was chosen because ,"each word
in that name was selected with organizational as
well as political considerations in mind. Unlike
homosexual, the clinical term bestowed by
heterosexuals, and homophile, the euphemism coined
by cautious political forerunners, gay, which
homosexuals called each other, was thought to be
the word that would most appeal to homosexuals who
were thirsting to be known as they knew
themselves. Hence also liberation, intended to
suggest freedom from constraint. Front implied a
militant vanguard or coalition; it suggested that
GLF was the crest of a swelling wave destined to
force people to recognize and respect the openly
gay population.
"The name Gay Liberation Front was also
favored because it had the same ring as National
Liberation Front, the alliance formed by the Viet
Cong. Radicals and revolutionaries thought that
this would help attract others with leftist
perspectives and establish GLF's place in the
Movement."
Marotta never says that Marcuse was "at the
heart of this new circle of power," nor that
Marcuse was in any way involved with any gay
movement. The only mention of Marcuse in Marotta's
whole book simply puts him in a list or authors
whose writings influences a single one of the
founders of GLF, Pete Wilson. "Wilson was also
influenced by….and by the lives and writings of
three scholars who fathered the radical strain in
Movement thinking - Norman O. Brown, Paul Goodman,
and Herbert Marcuse."
It should be noted that neither Marotta nor
Adam state anywhere whether Marcuse was a
homosexual. The Columbia Encyclopedia says he fled
Germany in 1934 and was a "special target of the
Nazis because of his Jewish origins and Marxist
politics…." It would seem that the Pink Swastika
author's attempt to link the gay movement to
Marcuse contradicts the whole thesis of The Pink
Swastika, that the Nazis were founded and
controlled by homosexuals.
Adam's mention of Marcuse, like Marotta's, in
no way suggests he was a moving force in
organizing the gay movement. Rather, his writings
merely influenced some people. In the same
paragraph Adam mentions Simone de Beauvoir, Daniel
Cohn-Bendit, Paul Goodman, the Beat poets, and
other New Left figures.
*** {end comment 153-2}
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{See Comment 154-1}
The Stonewall riot became the new symbol of the "gay rights"
movement. In its wake, Gay Liberation Fronts sprang up across
the country, using methods of intimidation and coercion to achieve
political gains. Immediately they targeted the medical commu-
nity, whose increasing effectiveness in treating homosexual disor-
ders threatened the logical premise of the movement
(Rueda: 101ff.). "Gay Liberation Fronts," writes Adam, "stormed
San Francisco, Los Angeles and Chicago conventions of psychia-
try, medicine and behavior modification," shouting down speak-
***{Below is Page: 154 }***
ers and terrorizing audience members (Adam:87f). As extreme
as it had itself become, the Mattachine Society predicted the GLF's
"violent tactics" would fail to inspire the movement (Marotta: 136),
but they were wrong. Though the GLF collapsed in 1972, in part
because of a conflict between "drag queens and machos ['Femmes'
and 'Butches']" (Adam:90), their philosophy prevailed.
*** {start comment 154-1}
Adam actually says, "Gay liberation fronts
stormed San Francisco, Los Angeles, and Chicago
conventions of psychiatry, medicine, and behavior
modification, where sessions on the 'treatment'
and 'correction' of homosexuality were disrupted
with cries of 'barbarism,' 'medieval torture,' and
'disgusting' and with demands for equal time."
Those who know the torture techniques employed in
so-called "behavior modification" will think those
shouts quite a mild criticism. Adam says nothing
about "shouting down" or "terrorizing" anybody.
The alleged Marotta quote is pure
fabrication. What Marotta actually says in regard
to the relations of Mattachine and GLF is, "The
two liberationists emphasized the need for
demonstrations that would stir homosexuals to band
together; Mattachine officials stressed the
importance of public relations that would help
eliminate prejudice, and negotiation and
litigation that would bring tangible
improvements….Dick Leitsch [of Mattachine] chafed
at the disorganization produced by overzealous
volunteers and mistrusted activities that might
alienate professionals, heterosexuals, and
'respectable' homosexuals."
Adam actually says this on page 90, "But the
GLF was all but defunct by the end of 1972, torn
apart by tensions between women and men, drag
queens and machos, socialists and
counterculturalists. By drawing together such a
diversity of gay people and engendering such
utopian aspirations, the GLF could not resolve the
intensely different experiences of its adherents."
So the problem wasn't simply the "butch - femme"
conflict the Pink Swastika author has invented to
explain how an allegedly homosexual Nazi
leadership could put homosexuals into
concentration camps and torture and kill them.
*** {end comment 154-1}
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{See Comment 154-2}
On December 15, 1973 the board of trustees of the American
Psychiatric Association capitulated to the demands of the radi-
cals. The homosexuals had begun to speak of unyielding psychia-
trists as "war criminals" (ibid.: 88), with obvious implications.
Possibly in fear for their safety, and certainly wearied by constant
harassment, they declared that homosexuality was no longer an
illness. The resulting referendum, demanded by outraged mem-
bers of the association, was conducted by mail and was partially
controlled by the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force
(Rueda:1982). The homosexualists won the vote and the new
official definition of homosexuality as a disorder was changed to
include only those who were "unhappy with their sexual orienta-
tion" (Adam:88). Historian Enrique Rueda writes,
This vote was not the result of scientific analysis
after years of painstaking research. Neither was it
a purely objective choice following the accumula-
tion of incontrovertible data. The very fact that
the vote was taken reveals the nature of the pro-
cess involved, since the existence of an orthodoxy
in itself contradicts the essence of science
(Rueda: 106).
*** {start comment 154-2}
One suspects that the Pink Swastika authors
(and Enrique Rueda) have relied for their
psychological information on Dr. Charles
Socarides, whose help they acknowledge (see the
acknowledgments at the front of the book). If so,
they should have had the courtesy to include a
note saying he was their source instead of trying
to blame Adam for what they say. One person, Allen
Young, is mentioned as referring to a faction of
psychiatrists as "war criminals." What is covered
up is the existence of another group of
psychiatrists who supported the gays in their
effort to change the APA's wording on
homosexuality. A leader of the faction favoring
the status quo was Socarides, and it is Socarides
who demanded the mentioned referendum. The change
of wording taking homosexuality off the list of
disorders went through the normal APA procedure.
The Socarides referendum was abnormal. Why do the
Pink Swastika authors cover up the role of the
Socarides faction in all this?
Enrique Rueda is not an "historian" and
doesn't claim to be one. The credit in his book
states, "Enrique Rueda is Director of the Catholic
Center at the Free Congress Research and Education
Foundation {a right-wing group}. A native of Cuba,
he was imprisoned by the Communists during the Bay
of Pigs invasion. He holds a Master of Arts degree
in Political Science from Fordham University, and
advanced degrees in Divinity and Theology from St.
Joseph's Seminary." He is surprisingly ignorant of
how the APA resolution was actually passed and how
it came to be voted on.
The myth that the APA succumbed to pressure
and caved in to demands by homosexuals out of fear
is debunked in Ronald Bayer's book, Homosexuality
and American Psychiatry: The Politics of Diagnosis
(Basic Books 1981). The demonstrations were
unfortunately needed to get the psychiatric
establishment to address the issue, but the APA
moved through its normal channels in evaluating
new research by psychological researchers such as
Evelyn Hooker, whose pioneering work had shown
that contrary to the belief widely held by the
psychiatric establishment, their tests could not
tell homosexuals apart from heterosexuals,
indicating there were no basic differences except
for sexuality.
The process is best characterized by Bayer's
account of the "conversion" of Robert Spitzer of
the New York State Psychiatric Institute, who was
a member of the APA's Committee on Nomenclature,
the group that had the primary responsibility for
deciding the issue. The effort began (page 117)
with presentations to the Nomenclature Committee
by a number of prominent psychological
investigators such as Seymour Halleck, a
psychiatrist widely acknowledged as a critic of
the abuse of psychiatric authority, Wardell
Pomeroy, a colleague of Dr. Alfred Kinsey, and
Alan Bell of the Institute for Sex Research at
Indiana University. A presentation to the
Nomenclature Committee on February 8, 1973,
included "an impressive array of citations which
indicated that the classification of homosexuality
was inconsistent with a scientific perspective."
(p118) After reviewing the research that
questioned the accepted position on homosexuality,
a presentation was made of the consequences of the
current classification as a disorder, showing the
way in which it was being used to discriminate
unreasonably against gays. Finally, "the
Nomenclature Committee was pressed to consider the
psychological havoc that resulted from the
labeling of the homosexual preference as
pathological." (p119)
"Nothing impressed the members of the
Committee on Nomenclature more than the sober and
professional manner in which the homosexual case
was presented to them. After several years of
impassioned denunciations and disruptions, here,
at last, was a statement that could be
assimilated, analyzed, and discussed in a
scientific context." (A report is available in the
New York Times of February 9.)
The notorious homophobic psychoanalysts
Irving Bieber and Charles Socarides, whose
practices centered on their alleged ability to
cure homosexuality, immediately organized an
attempt to stop any possible declassification of
homosexuality as a disorder and rallied opposition
among psychoanalysts. While the psychoanalysts
worked to stop any change, support for the change
was beginning to appear among local APA branches.
In March 1973 the Northern New England District
Branch of the APA became the first to endorse
deletion of homosexuality from the list of
disorders. Soon after APA's Area Council I, which
included all of New England as well as Ontario and
Quebec called for the change (page 123).
Robert Spitzer at first had been against
dropping homosexuality from the list of disorders.
"Certainly he was not at first a supporter of the
effort to delete homosexuality from the
nomenclature. Indeed, when paired with Paul
Wilson, a psychiatrist from Washington, D.C., to
draft a discussion paper for the committee,
Spitzer could not accept Wilson's version because
of its support for declassification. What is
remarkable is that because of his sense of mission
he was, despite his unformed views, able to
dominate both the pace and the direction of the
committee's work. In fact it was Spitzer's own
conceptual struggle with the issue of
homosexuality that framed the committee's
considerations." (Page 124)
"By the time of the May 1973 APA convention
in Honolulu, Spitzer's views had moved quite far.
The justification for including homosexuality per
se among the psychiatric disorders had become
increasingly inconsistent with his understanding
of the appropriate focus of a nosological system.
His attention had been drawn to critical analyses
of standard psychoanalytic works like Bieber's and
to empirical studies indicating that homosexuals
were quite capable of satisfactory adjustments to
the demands of everyday life. Contact with gay
activists made it clear that many homosexuals were
fully satisfied with their sexual orientations. It
began to seem to him the inclusion of
homosexuality in DSM-II constituted an
unjustifiable extension of the concept of
'psychiatric disorder.': {DSM-II is the Diagnostic
and Statistical Manual of Psychiatric Disorders,
its second issue. The dispute was about removing
homosexuality from that book.}(page 124)
The account goes on to relate that a gay
activist took Spitzer to a meeting at the
convention of gay psychiatrists. When the
psychiatrists noticed Spitzer's presence, they
were outraged, for they had to fear that if he
would betray their gay status to their
institutions they would lose their jobs and face
repercussions in their families and elsewhere.
Many insisted that Spitzer leave but in the end he
was allowed to stay. "The occasion not only
succeeded in substantiating Spitzer's belief that
being homosexual had little to do with one's
capacity to function at a high level, but perhaps
more importantly provided an emotional jolt that
moved him to prepare, within a month, a proposal
for the deletion of homosexuality from the
nomenclature."(page 126)
Thereafter the change worked its way through
the normal route of APA committees until it won
final approval. The only further "political"
action on the part of gays was a letter written in
support of the change to the APA's Council of
Research and Development. Bayer says (p 131)
"Written with extraordinary attentiveness to the
sensibilities and professional prerogatives of
those who would be making the crucial decision, it
sought in almost deferential terms to avoid the
impression that pressure was being brought to bear
upon them." The Council unanimously approved the
change as written by Spitzer. Next the Assembly of
District Branches approved it by an overwhelming
majority. This was especially heartening because
the Assembly tends to reflect a clinical rather
than an academic perspective in psychiatry, and
resistance to the deletion had been
anticipated.(page 134) After passage by the
Reference Committee, the deletion was finally
approved by the board of trustees, who first heard
the objections of Bieber, Socarides and Robert
McDevitt. Some members of the board were reluctant
to make the change, feeling privately that
homosexuality was indeed a disorder, but
nevertheless acknowledging that the evidence
required to substantiate that position was
lacking. After a first vote for passage of nine in
favor, four against, and two abstaining, a change
to make the wording more tentative resulted in
thirteen votes for deletion, with two abstentions.
A movement to reverse the board's action
immediately started, and the Socarides group
demanded a referendum of the membership on it.
That was quite an extraordinary thing. "That a
decision presented as being based upon the
scientific examination of the standards that
should apply to the classification of psychiatric
disorders would be subject to ratification in a
democratic vote of America's psychiatrists
astonished many observers. It suggested that
psychiatry's claim that it constituted a clinical
science like other branches of medicine was at
best a self-deception."(page 142)
The APA leadership gave in to Socarides's
demand for the referendum, but also worked to
defend its decision and encourage the membership
to support the change. Here the final political
involvement of the gay community occurred. It
succeeded in getting all the candidates for the
APA presidency to sign letters urging the
membership to approve the change. The National Gay
Task Force also underwrote the full cost of the
mailing, about $2,500. If there is any criticism
due on this issue, it is because "a decision was
made not to indicate on the letter that it was
written, at least in part, by the Gay Task Force,
nor to reveal that its distribution was funded by
contributions the Task Force had raised. Indeed,
the letter gave every indication of having been
conceived and mailed by those who signed it."(146)
"Since a public solicitation of financial
support had been made, though presumably to those
sympathetic to the gay cause, it is not surprising
that information regarding the role of the NGTF
surfaced quickly."(p 146) The Socarides group
raised further objections, but the referendum
result was that 58% of the 10,000 psychiatrists
who participated supported the change, while 37%
voted against it, the remainder abstaining or not
voting.
That is the story of the APA decision as
Bayer tells it. It's been related here at such
length because of the reckless charges that
continue to be made that it was a purely political
decision, not a scientific one, and that it was
made in response to threats of violence. Nothing
could be further from the truth.
*** {end comment 154-2}
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The Pederasts
As we will see, the victory of politics over scientific objectiv-
ity was to have far-reaching consequences. After the fail of the
APA's medical standard against the "normalization" of homosexu-
ality, "gay rights" activists made tremendous gains in public ac-
***{Below is Page: 155 }***
ceptance of, or at least tolerance for, open homosexuality. This
fact is especially alarming when we consider that the APA has
now taken action which some construe as "normalization" of pe-
{See Comment 155-1}
dophilia as well. The September, 1994 issue of "Regeneration
News," the newsletter of a homosexual recovery group in Balti-
more, features an article about this change. Regeneration Direc-
tor, Alan Medinger compares the new set of criteria for diagnos-
ing pedophilia with the prior standard:
In the earlier DSM-II-R [Diagnostic and Statisti-
cal Manual for Psychiatrists], pedophilia was di-
agnosed as a disorder if "[t]he person has acted
out on these urges or is markedly distressed by
them.. .[b]ut the new standard defines pedophilia
as a disorder only if [t]he fanatasies, sexual urges,
or behaviors cause clinically significant distress
or impairment in social, occupational, or other
important areas of functioning" (Medinger re-
printed in Stop Promoting Homosexuality Hawaii
Neweletter, November, 1994. Emphasis ours).
The APA has taken a step which can be interpreted to imply
that adult sex with children is normal as long as the perpetrators
are not "unhappy with their sexual orientation." The APA has
taken exception to this interpretation.
*** {start comment 155-1}
The obscurity of the source should be enough
to show how insignificant it is. It's probably the
case that the "recovery" group has nothing to do
with homosexuality, but is more likely concerned
with pedophilia The Pink Swastika author was seen
before falsely to smear gays with pedophilia. What
is interesting to note is in the sixth line of the
passage, "...only if [t]he fantasies..." The
practice of the Pink Swastika author has been
rather faithfully (apparently) to note the
changing of capital letters to small ones by
indications such as "[t]" -- there are many
examples throughout the book. In this case it's
obvious, then, that a number of sentences have
been blended together to make what appears above.
One wonders what the original actually said.
In any case, the Pink Swastika author has
entirely misunderstood the quoted text. It says
the old DSM said pedophilia was a disorder if the
person is "markedly distressed" by the urges. The
new DSM says it is a disorder if the urges "cause
clinically significant distress," etc. The wording
doesn't seem to be significantly different on the
topic of distress, just a bit more clarifying.
*** {end comment 155-1}
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Although many contemporary homosexual activists, especially
lesbians, attempt to distance themselves from their pederastic
comrades, the fact remains that pederasts (as was true in Ger-
many) have always been at the forefront of the movement, albeit
often "in the closet." And the "right" of adults to have sex with
children has always been a basic goal of the movement. In Febru-
ary of 1972, for example, a national coalition of homosexual groups
met in Chicago to draw up a list of priorities for the movement.
Prominent on the list was the demand for "A repeal of all laws
governing the age of sexual consent" (Rueda:2O 1ff.). Already in
***{Below is Page: 156 }***
Canada the age of consent has been lowered to age 14
(Mulshine: 10).
The organizations dedicated specifically to "pedophile rights"
or "pederast-rights" in the United States are made up of homo-
sexual men (Rueda: 173ff), and in major cities with an active ho-
mosexual community "gay" bookstores carry numerous titles
which endorse man/boy sex (Grant, 1993:22). Tom Reeves, a
self-admitted pederast who was part of the early "gay rights"
movement is one of a number of writers in an anthology called
Varieties of Man/Boy Love. He explains the role of pederasts in
homosexualist activism:
Almost every one of the early openly homosexual
writers was a pederast. Pederasty was a constant
theme of early gay literature, art, and pornogra-
phy. The Stonewall riots were precipitated by an
incident involving an underage drag queen, yet that
detail was not viewed as significant. Curtis Price,
a fourteen-year-old, self-described "radical hus-
tler," formed the first gay liberation organization
in Baltimore. Many of the leaders of early gay
liberation and the founders of the major gay groups
in the U.S. were boy-lovers (Reeves in Pascal:47).
{See Comment 157-1}
Another of the early leaders of the "gay rights" movement
was David Thorstad, also a self-identified pederast. Thorstad was
president of the Gay Activist Alliance (Stop Promoting Homo-
sexuality Hawaii Newsletter, November, 1994:6), one of the larg-
est of the groups which formed in New York in the wake of the
Stonewall riot. The GAA invented "the strategy of 'zapping'
politicians," writes Marotta, "that would later become [its]
trademark... [they] had learned that homosexuals could infiltrate
political gatherings and make themselves heard through sheer
brashness" (Marotta: 137). The GAA also developed the strategy
of using these "carefully staged confrontations" to force politi-
cians to enact "anti-discrimination" policies (ibid.:150). The GAA
***{Below is Page: 157 }***
reorganized early in 1974 as the National Gay and Lesbian Task
Force (Adam:88).
*** {start comment 157-1}
Marotta says the GAA "inaugurated" zapping,
not that they invented it. They were, in fact,
merely imitating tactics used by other protesters,
such as those against the war in Vietnam. The
words claimed to appear on page 150 simply are not
in Marotta's text. The only "carefully staged
confrontation" on "anti-discrimination policies"
was a petition drive: Marotta says (p 150) "For
their debut, the GAAers decided to circulate
petitions asking Carol Greitzer, the Village
representative on the city council, to sponsor a
bill that would outlaw discrimination on the basis
of sexual orientation in both public and private
employment."
(It should be emphasized that in this section
of The Pink Swastika the many obscure references
are hard to trace. Marotta's widely available book
is a different matter. The way the Pink Swastika
author has mishandled Marotta suggests that the
other, more obscure sources may well also have
been misquoted.)
The Pink Swastika author misquotes Adam on
the Task Force name, and covers up the reason GAA
ended. Here's what Adam actually says: "As the GAA
waned through internal dissension (coming to an
end, at least symbolically, when its community
center was fire-bombed in 1974), leading movement
activists reorganized as the National Gay Task
Force to press forward the anti-psychiatric
struggle. When the APA Council accepted the
deletion of homosexuality from the diagnostic
manual in a unanimous vote in 1973, the
conservatives forced a referendum on the issue.
The result of this curious spectacle of defining
pathology by plebiscite was a vote of 58 percent
for deletion and 37 percent for retention in 1974.
In the end, the new diagnostic manual included a
compromise category that continued to allow
psychiatrists to 'treat' people unhappy with their
sexual orientation."
*** {end comment 157-1}
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{See Comment 157-2}
Thorstad, along with Reeves and others, later went on to form
the North American Man/Boy Love Association in Boston in 1978
(NAMBLA Bulletin, September, 1992:2). NAMBLA, which is
the largest "pederast rights" organization in the country, cloaks
its agenda in rhetoric about concern for the rights of children to
have "sexual freedom." (Pascal:49). In recent years NAMBLA
has come under attack by some elements of the "gay rights" alli-
ance, who have tried to exclude the group from some of the higher
profile media events. But this has evoked a violent response from
its defenders. When NAMBLA was denied a role in the 1986 Los
Angeles "Gay Pride Parade," marcher Harry Hay donned a
sweatshirt printed with the legend, "NAMBLA Walks With Me."
Timmons writes that Hay, "[c]ould not contain his outrage" that
NAMBLA was excluded (Timmons:296). More recently, as re-
ported in the NAMBLA Bulletin, Hay was a featured speaker at
NAMBLA's annual membership conference, June 24-25, 1994:
[Hel gave an inspiring talk about reclaiming for
the 1990's the spirit of homoerotic sharing and love
from various ancient Greek traditions of pederasty.
A remarkably balanced and sensitive account of
the conference appeared in the August 23 Advo-
cate from a writer who was invited to attend
(NAMBLA Bulletin, September, 1994:3).
*** {start comment 157-2}
The attempt to associate NAMBLA with gays is
comparable to the way the German Nazis smeared
Jews with every sort of evil in the 1930s to
demonize them and stir up public anger against
them.
First, the sexual desires of NAMBLA members
are not necessarily confined to same-sex
interests. One report said that an undercover
investigation by police in California had found
that NAMBLA was "dominated by heterosexuals."
NAMBLA has always been banned from
participation in gay events in most places. In
some cities attempts to ban the group were given
up because of possible legal problems, the law
being interpreted that they had a right to march
in public parades.
In some jurisdictions there have always been
problems in trying to keep unwanted groups out of
public events such as parades. The St. Patrick's
Day Parade controversies in the 1990s in Boston
and New York, which involved the right to march of
gay and lesbian groups, are cases in point. Some
court rulings said the parades were public events
and the gays must be allowed to participate, while
other court rulings said parade organizers had the
right to exclude groups they didn't want to
participate. The issue was finally resolved in
favor of the parade organizers, who now may
exclude unwanted groups. In 1996, this decision
enabled Gay Pride Parade organizers to exclude
NAMBLA for the first time in certain
jurisdictions, where their earlier legal advice
had been that NAMBLA must be allowed to march in a
public parade.
So, the fact that NAMBLA participated in some
gay events didn't necessarily mean it was a
welcome guest, but that the law was held to
require that it be allowed to participate.
*** {end comment 157-2}
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{See Comment 158-1}
Other homosexualist-run "children's-rights" organizations in-
clude the Rene Guyon Society, which was formed in 1962 "to
make it possible for adults to provide sexual stimulation for virtu-
ally all children" (Rueda: 177), and a group called Project "Truth
(NAMBLA Bulletin, September, 1994). (While we're discussing
homosexual splinter groups we should mention the Eulenspiegel
Society, formed in 1971 to promote "Sado-masochist-rights" for
homosexuals whose "special concern is freedom for sexual
***{Below is Page: 158 }***
minorities and particularly those whose sexuality embraces S/M"
-- Rueda:175).
*** {start comment 158-1}
Rueda says (176) "The promotion of sexuality
for children is certainly not limited to the
homosexual movement." Since his book deals with
"The Homosexual Network" he doesn't list any other
types of groups.
A particular grudge Rueda seems to bear
against NAMBLA (understandable given his Cuban
past) is that "NAMBLA members, for example,
marched on the Pentagon with other homosexuals in
a March 3, 1981, demonstration against American
support for the people of El Salvador in their
struggle against Communism."
While Rueda doesn't give a membership figure
for NAMBLA, he says the Rene Guyon Society, which
"concentrates on all aspects of child sexuality,"
has "some 5,000 sympathizers nationwide." It was
founded "under the inspiration of Dr. Rene Guyon,
a lawyer/psychologist associated with Sigmund
Freud." Rueda lists its goals, and they do indeed
include all aspects of sex for people under the
age of 18, including heterosexual activity. The
organization views sex when both partners are
under age 18 in a different category from sex
between a younger and an older person.
Rueda says the Eulenspiegel group is not a
particularly homosexual institution but "accepts
both heterosexuals and homosexuals." In other
words, it doesn't "promote 'Sado-masochist-rights'
for homosexuals" as the Pink Swastika author
misrepresents Rueda, but for all people with no
distinction as to sexual orientation.
*** {end comment 158-1}
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{See Comment 158-2}
Membership of groups such as these in the International Les-
bian and Gay Association (ILGA) caused it to be expelled from
the United Nations Economic and Social Council in September of
1993. Attempting to forestall their expulsion ILGA tried to sepa-
rate itself from pederast groups but quickly learned that Support
for the "boy-lovers" was too deeply entrenched in the associa-
tion. ILGA's ouster of ten-year member NAMBLA and a couple
of other high-profile groups caused European pederast member-
organizations to step forward in protest. Division within ILGA
continues (NAMBLA Bulletin, September 1994:3).
*** {start comment 158-2}
The above is a misrepresentation, which is
quite understandable considering it comes from
NAMBLA, the group being thrown out. The fact is
that NAMBLA became a member of ILGA when ILGA was
started and had few or no restrictions on
membership and poor oversight of member groups.
The expulsion of NAMBLA from ILGA was delayed
because procedures required it wait for the next
international convention of ILGA.
*** {end comment 158-2}
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{See Comment 158-3}
Another apologist for pederasty is Larry Kramer, founder of
ACT-UP. In Report from the Holocaust: The Making of an AIDS
Activist, Kramer had this to say about adult/child sex: "In those
instances where children do have sex with their homosexual el-
ders, be they teachers or anyone else, I submit that often, very
often, the child desires the activity, and perhaps even solicits it"
(Kramer:234). According to Reeves, "Queer Nation and Act-
Up" were home to "both boys and men" who wanted "additional
cultural activity beyond.. their illegal relationships" (Reeves in Pas-
cal:73).
*** {start comment 158-3}
It is appropriate to emphasize again the
distinction between "pederasts" and "pedophiles."
The "pederast" is especially attracted
sexually to young people who are sexually mature
but not yet of legal age -- broadly the age range
of 14-17. In usage "pederast" tends to be confined
to men, largely because the word comes from Greek
history, where heterosexual men usually went
through a pederast stage in their twenties before
marrying women, but also because modern society is
laxer on relations between underage girls and
heterosexual men. (Teenage mothers are mostly
impregnated by legal adults, yet one never hears
accusations of pederasty.)
The "pedophile" is oriented only toward pre-
pubescent children, that is to say, those about
age 12 and younger. Psychologists treat pedophilia
as a separate condition from either
heterosexuality or homosexuality. The Religious
Right and their apologists like the Pink Swastika
author interchange the words indiscriminately, and
don't seem to have a real understanding of either
term. They use whichever one seems, at the moment,
most likely to incite hatred against gay men.
Whether Kramer is or isn't an "apologist for
pederasty" is not demonstrated here. He's merely
stating the fact, well-known to psychologists,
that people under the age of 18 do indeed have
sexual desires and can be aggressive about them.
(The legal definition of "child" encompasses
anyone below the legal age of majority. In the
eyes of the law in many places, a 17-year-old is a
"child." When the age of consent was 21, a 20-
year-old was legally a "child.") Refer to the
account of Harry Hay, above, for a tale of a
"child" seducing an adult. (Comment 150-1)
*** {end comment 158-3}
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Pedophilia and its promotion is not limited to male homo-
sexuals. Virginia Uribe, a lesbian teacher in Los Angeles, has
been at the forefront of a movement to "affirm gay teenagers,"
through school-based pro-homosexual "counseling" (Homosexu-
ality, the Classroom and Your Children, 1992) Her own pro-
gram, called Project 10 (named for the oft quoted "statistic" of
10% homosexuality in the U.S. population, a figure demonstrated
in several recent studies to be nearer 2%), included a book for
young people called One Teenager in Ten. This "resource" for
troubled teens features lurid pornographic stories, including a
graphic lesbian sex scene between a twelve-year-old girl and her
twenty-three-year-old dance teacher. The apparent goal is to ac-
{See Comment 159-1}
tivate children's sexuality at increasingly younger ages. At a con-
ference promoting Project 10 to public school teachers in
***{Below is Page: 159 }***
Oregon, University of Washington sociologist Pepper Schwartz
admits targeting prepubescent children for "affirmation," saying
"At this point, getting the majority to say 'gay' is good' at nine or
ten years old is going to be difficult, but just because it is difficult
doesn't mean it's not the right thing" (Homosexuality, the Class-
room and Your Children, 1992),
{Picture}
{Several men marching holding a NAMBLA
banner}
Pederast Leland Stevenson (left) leads a NAMBLA contingent
in the 1993 "Gay Pride" parade in Washington D.C. THE REPORT
{Picture caption}
The beneficiaries of "sexual Freedom" for children and teens
are often predatory adult homosexuals. The National Gay and
Lesbian Task Force is on record that "gay teens should be sup-
ported in coming out" (Mulshine: 10), but writer Paul Mulshine
notes that "the guidance, and the sex, tends to come from adult
gays who bring the teens out...A study published in the Journal of
Pediatrics showed that of a sample of gay teenagers who had
steady sexual partners, the mean age of the partners was 25 years
(ibid.:10). He cites a "1985 study of arrests in 12 U.S. jurisdic-
tions [for child sex abuse, which] showed that, on average, about
40 percent of arrests for pederastic homosexuals" ibid. :11).
*** {start comment 159-1}
The major thrust of programs like Project 10
and of other efforts to get decent social services
for gay youth and prevent teenage suicide by
giving psychological support to teenagers who are
having trouble coming to grips with the same-sex
urges they feel, and especially to support
teenagers who are being driven to mental problems
and even suicide by the attitudes of their
schoolmates and the adults around them. The
cynical vilification by the Pink Swastika author
is truly reprehensible.
If sex partners of gay male teenagers have a
mean age of 25, that is nothing different from
what happens with heterosexual teenagers. In 1996,
studies exploded the myth that the average teenage
mother was made pregnant by a fellow high school
student. The average heterosexual who gets a
teenage girl pregnant is, in fact, in his
twenties.
*** {end comment 159-1}
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***{Below is Page: 160 }***
Though some deny that the "right" of adults to have sex with
children remains a fundamental component of the "gay rights"
movement, the evidence suggests otherwise. Alyson Publications,
the leading publisher of "gay" titles, markets books aimed at pre-
schoolers, such as Daddy's Roommate and Heather Has Two
Mommies, right alongside Gay Sex: A Manual for Men who Love
Men. The latter contains detailed instructions for pedophiles and
pederasts on successfully avoiding discovery and arrest. "Avoid
situations," advises author Jack Hart, "where a number of men
have sex with the same boy, or group of boys, over a period of
time" (Hart: 123). No doubt these guidelines are gratefully re-
ceived by pederasts in the community, a constituency that is larger
than most people realize. For example, Reeves claimed in a 1979
speech that he personally had met "over 500 men" who "were
struggling with their attraction to boys." "Almost to a man," said
Reeves, "they are teachers and boy scout leaders and boys club
leaders" (Rueda:97).
The Boy Scouts
Fortunately, America's version of the Wandervogel, the Boy
Scouts of America, has largely been spared the problems associ-
ated with its German cousin. This can be attributed to its com-
mitment to Judeo-Christian ideals as represented in its pledge to
be "reverent toward God" (Hillcourt: 10). Still, the number of
homosexuals that have infiltrated the organization is alarming.
From 1973 to 1993 over 1,416 scout leaders were expelled for
sexually abusing boys (The Washington Times, June 15, 1993).
Beginning in 1991 and continuing to the present time, the Boy
Scouts have been targeted by "gay rights" militants for their policy
against allowing homosexuals to be scout leaders. An ostensibly
"spontaneous" outcry against the Boy Scouts arose across the
country, led by the once-venerable United Way agency, which
pulled its funding from the Scouts in various cities. United Way's
funding withdrawal was quickly followed by other homosexual-
***{Below is Page: 161 }***
controlled or co-opted entities including Levis Strauss, Wells
Fargo, Seafirst Bank and Bank of America (which later reversed
itself) (Oregonian, July 11 1992). Self-admitted lesbian, Roberta
Achtenberg, then serving on the San Francisco Board of Supervi-
sors, led a campaign to coerce the Bank of America into support
For the homosexuals' demands. Shortly thereafter, Achtenberg
was appointed Assistant Secretary for the Department of Hous-
ing and Urban Development (Los Angeles Times, January 29,
1993), one of more than two dozen homosexuals appointed to
high-level posts in the Clinton Administration (Grant, 1993:107).
In the streets the Boy Scouts was mocked by "Queer Scouts,
a focus group of Queer Nation" (Bay Area Reporter, August 1
1991), while homosexualists at the highest levels of government
attempted to intimidate the organization into submission. Re-
cently deposed Surgeon General Joycelyn Elders used her post to
castigate Scout officials (U.S.A. Today, June 2, 1994) and Inte-
rior Secretary Bruce Babbitt signed an order prohibiting Boy
Scouts from volunteering in national parks (The Washington Times
May 28, 1993). In San Francisco and San Diego the Boy Scouts
were barred from operating day programs in the public schools
(San Francisco Chronicle, September 14, 1991) and in San Di-
ego, city officials launched an investigation of the Scouts under
its legal powers to prevent "discrimination" against homosexuals
(San Francisco Chronicle, October 18, 1992).
So far the Boy Scouts have withstood the onslaught, but in
late 1992 the organization received a letter from NAMBLA pre-
dicting that it will eventually succumb to homosexual demands.
The letter is addressed to Ben Love, Chief Scout Executive, Boy
Scouts of America and was published in the NAMBLA Bulletin,
November 1992:
Dear Mr. Love,
At its 16th membership conference, held in Chi-
cago, August 7-9-1992, the North American Man/
Boy Love Association unanimously adopted the
***{Below is Page: 162 }***
following resolution:
"NAMBLA calls on the Boy Scouts of America
to cease its discrimination against openly gay or
lesbian persons in the appointment of its scout
masters. This will permit scouts to be exposed to
a variety of lifestyles and will permit more of those
individuals who genuinely wish to serve boys to
do so.
I feel especially honored to have been asked to
alert you of this resolution...I have also been a scout
and a scout leader and share with so many in
NAMBLA affection for the movement.
We recognize, of course, that the action for
which we call is inevitable. What a great added
contribution your organization will make possible
to all the boys and girls who participate in it when
you take this step. May it be taken in the near
future.
We share a common mission -- to bring greater
understanding and light and purpose to the young
as they grow. We invite you to join with us in
cherishing individual integrity, and in seeking the
opportunity for every boy and girl in our country
to find their own truth. We encourage you to help
every person associated with your organization to
be able to express those values from themselves
which to them represent for themselves the Good,
the True, and the Beautiful. As we work together
toward these ends Light will guide our way.
We express these sentiments most respectfully,
Very Cordially,
Leland Stevenson
Co-Recording Secretary,
NAMBLA (NAMBLA Bulletin, November
1992. Emphasis ours).
***{Below is Page: 163 }***
Leland's letter is reminiscent of the one Wilhelm Jansen sent
to Wandervoge1 parents in which he told them, "you will have to
accustom yourselves to the presence of so-called homosexuals in
your ranks" (Mills: 167). As we see, however, Leland's ideologi-
cal allies have far greater political power in the United States to-
day than Jansen's had in Germany in 1912.
{See Comment 163-1}
Unfortunately, the moral courage of the Boy Scouts of America
is not shared by all youth organizations. The Girl Scouts allows
lesbian leaders in its organization and has expelled at least one
heterosexual leader who refused to keep this policy secret from
parents. Brenda Mailand, a Girl Scout employee in Lansing Michi-
gan was fired after she refused to sign the following pledge:
As an employee of the Michigan Capitol Girl Scout
Council, you may not proactively inform members,
parents of members, prospective members or par-
ents of prospective members, or members of the
general public (including media) of the Council's
and GSUSA's position on sexual orientation (Pri-
vate letter, February 9, 1993).
*** {start comment 163-1}
The GSUSA is simply requiring that one of its
employees stop spreading what she obviously
considers to be derogatory comments about the
group. That is obvious from the qualification
"proactively," which suggests she was "spreading
the word" or "blowing the whistle." Every company
expects a certain degree of loyalty from those it
is paying to work for it. The GSUSA action
concerning one of its employees is not at all
unusual.
*** {end comment 163-1}
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The Big Brothers/Big Sisters organization actively promotes
"gay rights" through its organization. in 1991 Big Brother/Big
Sisters' Board of Directors lobbied the Boy Scouts to change its
policy against homosexual leaders, saying "the use of 'non-tradi-
tional' volunteers in the service delivery to youth can serve the
best interest of children" (Private letter, August 9, 1991). Homo-
sexual "big brothers" and "big sisters" are actively recruited in
some cities (Just Out, March 1, 1993).
Weimar in America
Following a socialist revolution in 1918, the Weimar govern-
ment was formed in Germany and began promoting liberal social
policies. As America does today, Weimar Germany faced ter.-
***{Below is Page: 164 }***
mantas conflict as these policies clashed with traditional Judeo-
Christian values. "Feelings on the sexual question' ran high. There
were disputes about the roles of the sexes and about attitudes
toward marriage, the family and child rearing, and these disputes
were bound up with arguments about social policy and demo-
graphic trends (Peukert: 101).
{See Comment 164-1}
In this climate the homosexualists made significant gains.
Almost immediately, major German cities became havens for ev-
ery form of sexual expression. William Manchester writes of
"transvestite balls, [where] hundreds of men costumed as women
and hundreds of women costumed as men danced under the be-
nevolent eye of the police," and of "mothers in their thirties, teamed
with their daughters to offer Mutter-und-Tochter sex" (Manches-
ter:57). Plant writes of "luxurious lesbian bars and nightclubs
[that] never feared a police raid" (Plant:27). Steakley records
that "[o]fficial tolerance was manifested... in the unhindered con-
sumption of narcotics in some homosexual bars, and transvestites
were issued police certificates permitting them to crossdress in
public" (Steakley: 81). And historian-biographer Charles Bracelen
Flood speaks of " sad alleys patrolled by prostitutes of all ages and
both sexes, including rouged little boys and girls" (Flood: 196).
"Berlin's specialized establishments included a bathhouse fea-
turing black male prostitutes" that was frequented by Ernst Roehm,
writes Flood, and "there was a sedate nightclub for lesbians, the
Silhouette, where most of the women, sitting on hard benches
along the walls, wore men's clothes with collar and tie, but the
young girls with them wore dresses with accented femininity"
(ibid.: 197). Germany's version of Madonna was a woman named
Anita Berber, "the role model for thousands of German
girls... [Berber] danced naked. and made love to men and women
sprawled atop bars, bathed in spotlights, while voyeurs stared and
fondled one another" (Manchester:57). Rector describes the
Weimar scene as a "sexual MardiGras" (Rector: 15):
*** {start comment 164-1}
Flood is quoting another author when he makes
the remark about the club for lesbians, and the
Pink Swastika author has not properly indicated
that. That's a minor point. More importantly,
Flood's text has "younger girls" instead of "young
girls" given in the misquote above. Misquoting as
"young girls" gives the misleading impression that
young children are involved, whereas the author
only wished to indicate that the women so
designated were younger than those dressed in
men's clothing.
*** {end comment 164-1}
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{See Comment 165-1}
There were about as many -- if not more -- homo-
sexual periodicals and gay bars in Berlin in the
***{Below is Page: 165 }***
1920's as there are now in New York City, and
Berlin of the time was abuzz with the feasibility of
forming a national homosexual political party. The
sexual revolution, with its free-and-easy attitudes,
including wife swapping and group sex as a moral
precept, was a German "invention" of the
Twenties.. abortions were shrugged off and
condoms were on sale in open display in grocery
stores and almost every other public mart [Quot-
ing from T.L. Jarman, Rector continues]...Freedom
degenerated into license...Bars for homosexuals,
cafes where men danced with men,...pornographic
literature in the corner kiosks--all these things were
accepted as part of the new life (ibid.:13).
Today, all of these things are manifest in American society as
*** {start comment 165-1}
One can't help interjecting that one of the
first things Hitler and his Nazis did when they
gained power was to shut down all the mentioned
activities of Weimar Germany. Is Germany really
the model the Pink Swastika author wants to apply
to America?
*** {end comment 165-1}
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well. The lid to Pandora's Box that had been cracked open by
Kinsey, Harry Hay and the Mattachines is now flung wide. Rueda
writes,
...there are "no fewer than 2,000 [homosexual bars
in America]...They range from small "sleazy"
places in dark and dangerous alleys to plush
establishments...Some bars cater to a conventional-
looking clientele. Others specialize in
sadomasochists or transvestites. There are bars
which purposefully attract young people, prosti-
tutes who serve to attract older homosexuals who
in turn purchase drinks for the youngsters while
sexual deals are arranged. Printed guides for trav-
eling homosexuals... [specify] the availability of
prostitutes or "rough trade" (i.e., homosexuals who
enjoy appearing violent or who actually behave
violently) (Rueda:33).
***{Below is Page: 166 }***
American cities also host "bathhouses," which are not actual baths
but meeting places for anonymous homosexual encounters.
"People walk in there and have sex with multiple partners and
have no idea who they're having sex with," reports former homo-
sexual John Paulk. "I know this first hand and from the many
many people I was associated with in the gay lifestyle" ("The Gay
Agenda" Video). Paulk reports that these "bathhouses" remain
open despite the AIDS epidemic. He also describes the activity
called "cruising" in which homosexuals meet for anonymous sex
in public restrooms and other public locations. While this has
apparently always been common behavior in the homosexual com-
munity, Paulk implies that it is far more widespread today than
ever before. This is substantiated by other observers of the "gay
rights" movement (Grant, 1993:36f ).
A great deal more could be written about the varieties of ho-
mosexual perversion that have proliferated in America's cities and
towns today. Indeed, the authors feel that the behavior of homo-
sexuality needs to be exposed to a public whose attention is sys-
tematically drawn away to "cover" issues (e.g. "victim" status,
"rights," etc.). But it is our intention here to focus on the social,
political and spiritual ramifications.
The Kinsey Connection
{See Comment 167-1}
The American counterpart to the Sex Research Institute of
Berlin is the Kinsey Institute. And like its German predecessor,
this organization is dedicated to the legitimization of homosexu-
ality. In 1948, sex researcher Alfred Kinsey released his culture-
shattering book, Sexuality in the Human Male. The first major
sex study of its kind, the Kinsey Report purported to show that
Americans were far more promiscuous and sexually deviant than
they said they were (Reisman and Eichel, 1992:2). For over forty
years, Kinsey's data went more-or-less unchallenged and the con-
clusions that he drew continue to serve as the "scientific" justifi-
cation for the so-called sexual revolution. His theory of sex as a
***{Below is Page: 167 }***
mere "outlet" released human behavior from what Marcuse called
"the repressive order of procreative sexuality." All forms of sexual
expression were equalized in the Kinsey model.
*** {start comment 167-1}
The above characterization of the Kinsey
Institute is totally false. As the Pink Swastika
author showed earlier, the German group provided
sexual services and treatment of venereal disease
to clients, which is how it amassed those tens of
thousands of incriminating files on individuals.
(See above Pink Swastika page 100.) The Kinsey
institute, on the other hand, has always been
devoted to academic research, and doesn't have any
special dedication to homosexuality.
The Pink Swastika author can't even correctly
identify Kinsey's book. The correct title is
Sexual Behavior in the Human Male.
Kinsey presented the results of his sex
survey without warping them to fit preconceived
notions of sexuality. A major criticism of him has
always been just the one implied by the Pink
Swastika author, namely that he didn't
misrepresent his research in order falsely to
bolster traditional but wrong ideas about sex.
*** {end comment 167-1}
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{See Comment 167-2}
Recently several studies have shown that America is not the
hotbed of promiscuity and deviancy that Kinsey's study made it
appear to be, even after forty-six years of influence by that study,
which was loudly trumpeted as "fact" by the media and much of
academia. U.S. News and World Report said of one such recent
study, conducted by the National Opinion Research Center at the
University of Chicago, that it showed that "[f]idelity reigns. Fully
83 percent of Americans had sex with one person or had no sex
partners in the past year, and half of Americans have had only one
partner in the past five years" (U.S. News and World Report, Oc-
tober, 1994:75)
*** {start comment 167-2}
The Kinsey data are represented in different
ways than the Chicago figures, so it is hard to
reconstruct exactly comparable figures. Did Kinsey
paint a picture of wild promiscuity that has now
been shown to be false? The Pink Swastika author
quotes the recent study as showing that only 50%
of American males (the study was of men) had only
one sex partner in the past five years.
Kinsey found that 71.6% of college-educated
men and 62.3% of non-college men claimed they had
had no extramarital coital companions for their
entire marriages (first marriage in the case of
the 10% who had remarried). (The Kinsey Data Paul
Gebhard & Alan B. Johnson -- publisher W.B.
Saunders, 1979, page 400) That categorization is
not directly comparable to the Chicago data, which
included men never married, but it suggests that
if anything, men were actually less promiscuous in
Kinsey's day than they are today.
*** {end comment 167-2}
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{See Comment 167-3}
Kinsey's study seemed tailor-made for the homosexual
pederast community. Indeed, just weeks after its release, Harry
Hay began formal efforts at organizing the movement. Kinsey
stated that at least 10% of the population was homosexual (far
higher than the actual number) and he invented the seven-point
Kinsey Scale, "in which bisexuality occupied a middle 'balanced'
position between heterosexuality (0) and homosexuality (6)"
(ibid. :10), attempting to establish bisexuality as the norm. he
further declared adult/child sex harmless. This "finding" was based
on data gathered by pedophiles on hundreds of children, some as
young as two months old (ibid. :36).
*** {start comment 167-3}
It's a sign of his poor "scholarship" that
the Pink Swastika author takes information on
Kinsey second hand from Reisman, when it would be
so easy to check the original source, which should
be readily available at most second hand
bookstores for under $10.00. There are no
citations for the alleged statements by Kinsey,
which makes them difficult to check.
The above states that Harry Hay began formal
efforts at organizing the gay movement "just
weeks" after the release of Kinsey's book. The
copy of Kinsey being used for these comments has
in it a Marshall Field (Chicago department store)
sales slip dated January 14, 1948. (Price $6.50)
The Katz reference cited by the Pink Swastika
author quotes Harry Hay as saying (page 408) "I
first conceived of a Gay group in August 1948.
From January to August is hardly "just weeks after
its release."
Kinsey never said that "at least 10% of the
population was homosexual." In his book, page 651,
he said "10 per cent of the males are more or less
exclusively homosexual (i.e., rate 5 or 6) for at
least three years between the ages of 16 and 55."
The 5 and 6 are ratings on his heterosexual-
homosexual rating scale, 6 being "exclusively
homosexual" and 5 being "predominantly homosexual,
but incidentally heterosexual." Kinsey placed only
4% as "exclusively homosexual throughout their
lives, after the onset of adolescence."
Kinsey's sexuality scale naturally had
bisexuality as the center between total
heterosexuality and total homosexuality.
Bisexuality means being equally attracted to both
sexes, with no preference for either, and so it is
the logical case for the middle of the scale
(pages 638-641 and following discuss the scale).
Kinsey didn't in any way attempt "to establish
bisexuality as the norm." No citation for the
alleged comment is given in The Pink Swastika.
No citation is given for Kinsey's alleged
statement that adult/child sex is harmless, and
it's hard to believe that he said any such thing.
IN DEALING WITH ANY CLAIMS ABOUT KINSEY, A
CITATION SHOULD ALWAYS BE DEMANDED. Reisman
has been shown to be thoroughly unreliable -- see
her claims above about the Nazi influence in
advertising in the Advocate, (Pink Swastika page
146).
The figures on sexual experiences of children
in Kinsey's 1948 book were not taken from "data
gathered from pedophiles" but from interviews with
over 4000 adults who related their childhood
sexual experiences. On page 166, for example,
Kinsey reported on the duration of pre-adolescent
sex play by analyzing data from 2749 interviewees,
1919 of whom had at least some college education.
*** {end comment 167-3}
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{See Comment 168-1}
In Kinsey Sex and Fraud, Reisman and Eichel said that Kinsey
"purported to prove that children were sexual beings, even from
infancy and that they could, and should. have pleasurable and ben-
eficial sexual interaction with adult 'partners'" (ibid.:3). Reisman
and Eichel go on to suggest that Kinsey deliberately overlooked
criminal sexual child abuse and purposefully falsified data to fur-
ther his personal sexual and political agenda. They cite former
Kinsey coworker Gershon Legman who said that "Kinsey's not-
very-secret intention was to 'respectablize' homosexuality and
certain sexual perversions" (ibid. :34). They also reference soci-
ologists Albert Hobbs and Richard Lambert who observed "that
***{Below is Page: 168 }***
the Kinsey authors seemed purposefully to ignore the limitations
of their own samples in order to compound any possible errors in
almost any way which will increase the apparent incidence of [ho-
mosexuality]'" (ibid. :24).
Was Kinsey a homosexual or a pedophile? One historian pro-
posed that Kinsey "may have discovered in himself the homo-
sexual tendencies he would later ascribe to a large proportion of
the population" (Robinson in Reisman and Eichel, 1992:204). But
Reisman and Eichel suggest he manifested more of the behaviors
of a pedophile. "In addition to his interest in sex experiments
with children," they write, "Kinsey was an avid collector of por-
nography (and maker of sex films) -- an elemental feature of the
pedophile syndrome" (Reisman and Eichel, 1992:205).
There is no question, however, that Kinsey fits the profile of a
homosexual activist. Like the militant homosexuals who ben-
efited from his work, Kinsey was "'indignant" {sic} about the effect of
Judeo-Christian tradition on society," write Reisman and Eichel.
"It is clear that he shared [co-researcher Wardell] Pomeroy's view
that Christians inherited an almost paranoid approach to sexual
behavior from the Jews" (ibid. :6). For his part, Pomeroy served
on the advisory board of the Mattachine Society (Marotta:80),
perhaps indicating a deeper relationship between the two organi-
zations. Pomeroy, incidentally, is known for his support of adult/
child sex. In a 1992 article on pedophilia, author Michael Ebert
quotes Pomeroy as saying, "People seem to think that any [sexual]
contact between children and adults has a bad effect on the child.
I say this can be a loving and thoughtful, responsible sexual activ-
ity" (Ebert:6f).
*** {start comment 168-1}
To state that Kinsey "purported to prove"
sexuality would be pure nonsense, except that it
is a deliberate lie on the part of Reisman and her
co-author. On page 163 Kinsey says:
"Recently we have begun the accumulation of
information through conferences with quite young
children and with their parents; and in addition
we now have material obtained by some of our
subjects through the direct observation of infants
and older preadolescents {that probably includes
the notorious pedophiles}."
Kinsey then says he might report on that
material later, adding "For the time being we can
report only on the specifically genital play and
overt socio-sexual behavior which occurs before
adolescence."
"We are not in a position to discuss the
developing child's more generalized sensory
responses which may be sexual, but which are not
so specific as genital activities are....There is
now a fair list of significant and in many cases
observational studies of this 'pre-genital' level
of reaction among infants and young children."
Kinsey then lists 10 references on the subject.
On page 164 Kinsey says "In pre-adolescent
and early adolescent boys, erection and orgasm are
easily induced. They are more easily induced than
in older males. Erection may occur immediately
after birth and, as many observant mothers (and
few scientists) know, it is practically a daily
matter for small boys, from earliest infancy and
up in age (Halverson 1940).
The important thing above is (Halverson
1940). Kinsey is not "purporting to prove" infant
sexuality from his own data. He is citing prior
research by others. He gives another citation,
Ramsey 1943, whose study involved a group of 291
young boys.
Kinsey didn't have any interest in "sex
experiments" with children. He simply wanted to
know about child sexuality and investigated it by
interview, not by experimentation.
Kinsey collected pornography, not for
himself, but for his institute's files. Kinsey was
an avid and thorough collector of data. Before he
began work on sex he had worked on gall wasps. He
had collected over 1,000,000 specimens of galls
from trees and plants. (Interestingly, Wardell
Pomeroy reports that on a trip to a stud farm
Kinsey's crew shot a short movie of one bull
penetrating another bull in anal intercourse and
achieving ejaculation that way. Perhaps Reisman
and the Pink Swastika authors find that appealing
to their prurient interests, and for that reason
charge him with making "sex films.") Kinsey's
collecting of pornography had nothing to do with
his personal taste, and certainly not with any
pedophilia as fantasized by the spiteful Reisman.
Pornography was simply an aspect of sexuality, and
Kinsey wanted to study it.
Finally, Pomeroy's alleged statement that
adult-child sex doesn't necessarily have a bad
effect on the child (if indeed he ever said such a
thing) is in no way a display of "support" or
advocacy for it. Pomeroy's simply stating the
truth, backed by mounds of data, that children who
have sex with adults don't necessarily suffer harm
from it. Some surely do, but most apparently
don't. There are just too many cases of adults who
are quite normal and well-adjusted who've had
childhood sex with an adult and who don't seem to
have been hurt by it to say otherwise. That's not
to advocate child/adult sex, but merely to state a
scientific, truthful fact about it. (Considering
the Creationism controversy fundamentalists have
raised in the 1980s and 1990s, it's understandable
that they can't grasp the concept of a neutral
science that is concerned with scientific evidence
and refuses to falsify it for the sake of
promoting someone's particular moral "agenda.")
On child/adult sex, it remains to be
demonstrated that Kinsey himself ever said
children "should" have sex with adults, as the
Pink Swastika author states, the citation in
Kinsey's work of such a statement being
conveniently absent.
*** {end comment 168-1}
Read the Same Text Again Skip Forward Table of Contents
***{Below is Page: 169 }***
The Cauldron Begins to Boil
"I shall torture you during the daytime, and will keep you from a peaceful sleep at night."
Larry Kramer, Founder of ACT-UP (Leo:18).
ACT-UP was founded by Larry Kramer and approximately
300 other activists in March, 1987, in New York City; it soon
spread across the nation (Alyson Almanac:42). Within a few
months its members had gained national attention for their ag-
gressive actions against those whom they considered enemies.
ACT-UP groups invaded Catholic churches in New York during
religious services, screaming obscenities and stomping on com-
munion wafers" (Miller:460). Catholic churches were also tar-
geted in Washington, Los Angeles and Puerto Rico. Newspaper
boxes were smashed in Sacramento to punish an editor for his
views (Grant, 1993:104). One militant who later regretted his
involvement was Washington, D.C. ACT-UP founder, Eric Pol-
lard. The following is an excerpt from his 1992 letter to the Wash-
ington Blade titled, "Time to give up fascist tactics":
This is very hard for me to write. It forces me to
squarely confront my past actions and to accept
responsibility for the damage I have had a part in
causing. I sincerely apologize for my involvement
in and my founding of the AIDS' activist organiza-
tion, ACT-UP D.C.. I have helped to create a
truly fascist organization...The average Gay man
or woman could not immediately relate to our sub-
versive tactics, drawn largely from the voluminous
Mein Kampf, which some of us studied as a work-
ing model (Washington Blade, January, 1992).
Within a few years of its founding, ACT-UP spawned the more
radical Queer Nation. Miller writes that Queer Nation's "in your
***{Below is Page: 170 }***
face" tactics antagonized many others. Randy Shilts [a promi-
nent homosexual writer] called Queer Nationals "brownshirts"
and "lavender fascists" (Miller:460). Queer Nation adopted highly
militant rhetoric and openly threatened violence. Grant describes
their tactics during an Oregon election campaign (see Introduc-
tion) in which voters considered a law to ban minority status based
on homosexuality:
...flyers appeared on telephone poles warning
people to vote against it. One showed the Chris-
tian ichthus fish being roasted on a stick over a
fire. It read, YOU BURN US, WE BURN
YOU... another said CIVIL RIGHTS or CIVIL
WAR. Your choice for a limited time only...It also
clarified what it meant by "civil war" by listing
"QUEER KNIVES, QUEER GUNS, QUEER
BULLETS, QUEER MISSLES, QUEER TANKS,
QUEER TRENCHES, QUEER FIRE, QUEER
WARFARE, QUEER PATRIOTS (Grant,
1993:lO4f).
One of us (Lively) was active in that campaign and personally
witnessed stencils painted on sidewalks in the City of Portland
which threatened "Queers Bash Back." In the City of Eugene
businesses that had supported the Oregon Citizens Alliance (which
had sponsored the ballot initiative) had bricks, wrapped in swas-
tika-embellished flyers, thrown through their windows. A Queer
Nation spokesman in Eugene denied responsibility but defended
the violence as justified. A separate organization which called
itself "Bigot Busters" specialized in harassing and threatening
petitioners seeking signatures to put the measure on the ballot.
Petitions were ripped from circulators {sic} hands or doused with paint,
activists blockaded petition tables, and several circulators were
physically assaulted. Hundreds of false signatures were put on
petitions in an effort to invalidate them. In every case "Bigot
Busters" denied responsibility.
***{Below is Page: 171 }***
{Pictures}
{Two views of crowd scene and apparent flame of a
small fire.}
Rioting homo-fascists set fire to a government building in 1991 after
California Governor Pete Wilson vetos {sic} Assembly Bill 101, which
would have given homosexuals special rights. THE REPORT
{Picture caption}
***{Below is Page: 172 }***
In classic Nazi style, the Oregon homosexual activists cast
themselves as victims during this campaign of violence. A series
of phony late-night cross-burnings were staged in the front yard
of Azalea Cooley, a Black, apparently wheelchair-bound lesbian
in Portland. This highly publicized charade continued for six
months and was blamed on a "climate of hate" created by OCA.
On the eve of the election, however, police caught Cooley herself
on video walking out her own front door with a wooden cross
and materials to burn it. She later confessed to all of the crimes
(Oregonian, December 10, 1992).
As we have seen with Roehm's Brownshirts, the wrath of
militant homosexuals can be fierce. On September 29, 1991, fol-
lowing Governor Pete Wilson's veto of Assembly Bill 101 (which
would have extended minority status to homosexuals) thousands
of homosexuals rioted in San Francisco, setting fire to a govern-
ment building and clashing with police. This fury is often turned
against individuals and families as well. Chuck and Donna
McIlhenny experienced this phenomenon after the San Francisco
Presbyterian church, where Chuck is the pastor, fired a homo-
sexual organist, sparking a wave of terrorism against their family
and their church. They describe the campaign of hatred that was
waged against them in When the Wicked Seize {sic} a City:
The harassment started. Rocks, beer bottles, beer
cans were thrown through the church windows on
many occasions. Swastikas were carved in the
church doors and drawn on our house. A window
in our car was smashed out. Graffiti was spray-
painted all over the church, house, and sidewalk.
Anti-Christian, pro-homosexual leaflets were scat-
tered around the neighborhood calling us Nazis,
bigots, anti-gay, etc. Demonstrators would come
into our Sunday services and disrupt the
worship...One time a man came pounding and spit-
***{Below is Page: 173 }***
ting on our front door in the middle of the night,
screaming, "We're going to get you McIlhenny--
we're going to kill you politically!" We were ver-
bally threatened outside the house on the way to
the car. There were daily -- 24-hours-per-day--
telephone calls. They began with screaming and
obscenities. They graduated into phone calls de-
scribing our children--by name, appearance, where
they attended school, when they got out of school,
and what sexually deviant behavior was to be prac-
ticed on the children before killing them...Then on
31 May 1983 at 12:30 a.m., someone actually at-
tempted to follow through with their threats to kill
us [by firebombing the house while the children
were asleep inside] (McIlhenny and York: 109f.).
(The McIlhennys' survived these and other efforts
against them and continue to serve the member-
ship of their church in San Francisco).
Attacks like these against the McIlhennys are not isolated in-
cidents, but part of the strategy for increasing the political power
of homosexuals in American society. Dr. Brian Clowes, in Debat-
ing the Gay Rights Issue, has compiled the following incidents
of the use of terrorism and violence by homo-fascists:
If [AIDS] research money is not forthcoming at a
certain level by a certain date, all gay males should
give blood. Whatever action is required to get
national attention is valid. If that includes blood
terrorism, so be it. Robert Schwab in Kirk Kidwell,
"Homosexuals Flex Muscles in Washington." American
Family. Association Journal, January 1988, pages 6 to 8.
We should have shut down the subway and burned
down city hall. I think rioting is a valid tactic and
should be tried...If someone took out [killed] Jesse
***{Below is Page: 174 }***
Helms or William Dannemeyer of California, I
would be the first to stand up and applaud. ACT-
UP member Michael Petrelis, quoted in Michael Wilrich.
"Uncivil Disobedience." Mother Jones. December 1990,
page 16.
It's hard to refrain from taking this man [Pat
Buchanan] by the throat and squeezing as hard as
you can while you look at his ugly, disgusting face
and watch the eyeballs burst and pop out of their
sockets. Or maybe you feel like stepping on his
face and squishing his demented brain until the rot
oozes out of it and onto the pavement. I have no
problem imagining violence against this
wacko...Michelangelo Signorile, editor-at-large of the
sodomite magazine Outweek, quoted in National Review,
June 24, 1991.
(Clowes: 78f.)
Atrocities
Fortunately, America has not experienced the wide-scale
atrocities perpetrated by the Nazis in Germany, but the actions of
certain male homosexuals in recent history are reminiscent of the
worst SS butchers. As noted in a January 21, 1984 editorial in
The New York Times, "[m]any of the most violent multiple mur-
ders have been commited {sic} by homosexual males." Clowes cites
some alarming statistics showing that eight of the top ten serial
killers in the United States were homosexuals (below) and that
homosexuals were responsible for 68 percent of all mass murders
(Clowes:97). The following is a list of nine leading homosexual
serial killers, eight of which were in the top ten most prolific kill-
ers as of 1992. Clowes' sources are listed in the text and are
reprinted from Debating the "Gay Rights" Issue:
***{Below is Page: 175 }***
Donald Harvey: 37 Murders... [a] nurse's aide
[who] was convicted of 37 murders in Kentucky
and Ohio. Psychologists testified that "Harvey said
he was a homosexual." The New York Times, August
20, and August 17th 1991.. {sic}
John Wayne Gacy: 33 Murders... [a] professed
homosexual...who killed 33 young men and boys
and buried them in his basement. The New York Times,
February 22, 1980.
Patrick Wayne Kearney: 32 Murders.. The New
York Times described him as "an acknowledged
homosexual" and "...perpetrator of the 'homo-
sexual trash bag murders.'" The New York Times, July
27, 1977.
Bruce Davis: 28 murders...killed 28 young men
and boys after having sex with them. The New York
Times, January 21, 1984.
Corll, Henry {sic} and Owen: 32 Murders. Dean Corll,
Elmer Wayne Henley, and David Owen Brooks
were the members of a Texas homosexual torture/
murder ring that captured and mutilated 27 young
men. The New York Times, July 27 1974
Juan Corona: 25 Murders...an admitted homo-
sexual, killed 25 male migrant workers. The New
York Times, October 4, 1972.
Jeffrey Dahmer: 17 Murders...a convicted child
molester and practicing and admitted homosexual,
lured 17 young men and boys to his apartment,
had sex with them, then killed them and dismem-
***{Below is Page: 176 }***
bered them. He ate parts of his victims
bodies...Dahmer was active in "gay rights" orga-
nizations and had participated in "gay pride" pa-
rades. Michael C. Buelow "Police Believe Suspect Killed
17." The Oregonian, July 26, 1991, pages Al and A24.
Also: Relative in Dahmer Case Sues." USA Today, Au-
gust 6, 1991, page 3A. Also October 1991 Focus on the
Family letter
{See Comment 176-1}
Stephen Kraft: 16 Murders. ..killed at least 16
young men after drugging, sodomizing and tor-
turing. Robert L. Mauro. "The Nation's Leading Serial
Killers." The Wanderer, October 31, 1991.
William Bonin: 14 Murders...tortured and killed
14 young men...had sex with his victims before
and after they died. Robert L. Mauro. "The Nation s
Leading Serial Killers." The Wanderer, October 31, 1991.
(Clowes:96)
*** {start comment 176-1}
The subject of heterosexual serial killers
hasn't been thoroughly investigated. While some
books list some of them, the number of
heterosexual serial killers and mass murderers is
so great that the data simply can't be found in a
single place. A thorough investigation would
require looking through a great number of
newspapers for many cities and towns, large and
small. While newspapers can't be guaranteed to
report on all such crimes, they do tend to report
them because of their sensational nature. However
the reports might be confined to local papers.
A cursory check of newspaper clippings
disclosed the following heterosexual murderers for
just the year 1995. Doubtless there were more not
reported in the two newspapers (The Milwaukee
Journal and The New York Times) that were checked:
1/2/95 Frederick West, London
England, killed 12 girls and women.
5/17/95 Larry Hall, killed 4 women
7/20/95 William Lester Suff, killed 12
women.
8/25/95 Joel Rifkin, killed 17 women.
And let's not forget heterosexual Timothy
McVeigh, guilty of killing over 160 men, women,
and children in the Olkahmoa City bombing.
Jeffrey Dahmer wasn't active in any gay
organizations. Extensive investigations by the
Milwaukee Police Department found no such
connection. Dahmer was known only from having been
seen in gay bars, where he had a reputation as
being weird. (See stories in Milwaukee
newspapers.)
On another topic, the material below on
Gaetan Dugas is misleading. Nobody knows how many
people he infected with the AIDS virus, though he
did have sex with many men.
*** {end comment 176-1}
Read the Same Text Again Skip Forward Table of Contents
In a spree of "gay-on-gay" violence not seen since Nazi Ger-
many, one homosexual man, Gaetan Dugas, was directly respon-
sible for killing over a thousand homosexual men by deliberately
infecting them with the AIDS virus. Indirectly he may be respon-
sible for tens of thousands, eventually perhaps hundreds of thou-
sands of AIDS deaths. One of the first known AIDS carriers,
Dugas was known as "Patient Zero" because he caused so many
of the earliest infections (Clowes:97). Even after his diagnosis
Dugas "justified his continued sodomy with the excuse that he
was free to do what he wanted with his own body. Even when he
was in the final stages of AIDS, he would have anonymous sex
with men in homosexual bathhouses, and then show his sexual
partners his purple Kaposi's Sarcoma blotches, saying, 'Gay can-
cer. Maybe you'll get it'" ("The Columbus of AIDS." National
Review, November 6, 1987:19).
***{Below is Page: 177 }***
The Big Picture
The connection between homosexualism and fascism is not
incidental. There have been several examples of this connection
in history (the Spartan Greeks and late empire Romans are the
best known). Because of its chronological nearness, though, and
the enormous amount of detailed information that we have about
German society before and during the war, it is the point of com-
parison we have for our own society. We have mentioned some
of the parallels, but we will now summarize and expand the list.
Both societies had undergone a "sexual revolution." Cities
like Berlin and Munich were the capitals of every kind of sexual
deviancy and prostitution. In our own case, we have witnessed
the increase of teen sexual activity, the rapid spread of AIDS and
other sexually transmitted diseases, the steep rise in illegit